Hampshire chronicle dating
These include the conquest by Cerdic and Cynric of the Isle of Wight in 530 and battles fought by Cynric at Salisbury in 552 and Barbury Castle (Wiltshire) in 556.A victory won by a successor, Ceawlin (who reigned 560–592 and is mentioned by Venerable Bede as the second English king to hold an imperium in Britain), at Dyrham, Gloucestershire, in 577, which led to the capture of Bath, Cirencester, and Gloucester, and Ceawlin’s battle at a place called Fethanleag, probably in North Oxfordshire, in 584, are also recorded.Throughout much of his reign he fought the Mercians and the Welsh, and Penda’s successor seized South Hampshire and the Isle of Wight from him.These regions were held by the Mercians from 661 to 686, and, according to the Venerable Bede’s During this period, however, kings of Wessex won victories over the Britons, expanding steadily westward. They could not be dated because the northern troubles were perennial. These tables may not have begun to attract interest in the Insular churches until after the Council of Orléans in 541, when they were officially adopted in Gaul; cf. the chapter heading: ‘Ut inuitata Britanniam gens Anglorum primo quidem aduersarios longius eiecerit, sed non multo post iuncto cum his foedere in socios arma uerterit’). dating in the For example, it could already have been inserted in the imperial list that he used as his framework. It is often wrongly argued that the Marcian synchronism was pre-Bedan (and perhaps Kentish, though there is no sign of the addition of Kentish material in the , ed. Bede may have guessed either that Germanus and Lupus arrived some years after the outbreak of the heresy or that they stayed some years in Britain (or both); either way they could have been there 1.15 he expands this: ‘Turn subito inito ad tempus foedere cum Pictis, quos longius iam bellando pepulerant, in socios arma uertere incipiunt’ (cf.Our editors will review what you’ve submitted and determine whether to revise the article.Join Britannica's Publishing Partner Program and our community of experts to gain a global audience for your work!
Of course one such case by itself is inconclusive…It is the uniformity of the above list which excites suspicion’ ( is the only reason for supposing a British presence there as late as 577.) It is impossible to see how the 571 annal can be relevant, as often supposed, to a possible British enclave in the Chilterns, which are not mentioned. These problems (which also attend my own formulations, deliberately) may lie behind the confusion about whether the landing was in 494 or 495; cf.
Ceol was succeeded by his brother Ceolwulf (reigned 597–611), whose reign was followed by that of Ceol’s son Cenwalh (reigned 643–672), who married Penda’s sister but soon discarded her.
For this act he was driven into exile (645–648) in East Anglia by Penda.
Stevenson and Stenton seem to have had little feel for this process (cf. 40), perhaps because the connection between extant Old English poetry (which is mostly set on the continent) and the English landscape is relatively slight (cf. Coincidences do after all occur – what is the probability of the present writer having been born 1500 years after 449 (as is the case)?
Kemble seems to have had in mind especially the commonplaces of origin legends (the three ships, the divine ancestor, etc.), but even more important is the tendency for fiction to gather round places and place-names. Bede placed them after the sack of Rome in 410 (see below), but Gildas evinces no knowledge of that event, nor of any ‘Honorian Rescript’ (cf. 17)., Abhandlungen der Preus-sischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 1937, Phil.-hist. This is surely a deduction from and allusion to the ‘bellum Saxonum Pictorumque adversus Brittones eo tempore iunctis viribus susceptum’ which Bede took from Constantius ( 11, 81), places in the consular year preceding Aëtius' third consulship. 1, 480.) Bede must have known that Aëtius' third consulship was in 446 from Marcellinus' indiction, from Prosper's 11, 31.